Tuesday 17 November 2015

Research Assignment (2)

          When looking at the war on drugs within Latin America, it becomes very difficult to get a clear picture of the workings of such an intricate organization. Journalists from different nations have attempted, some losing their lives in this noble cause, to try and at least give a glance into the industry. The Diario de Juarez Open Letter to the Drug Cartels, provides us with a peak into the lives of journalists within Mexico who try and report on the booming business in their nation.
            I first stumbled on this work within the textbook, and the first thought that came to mind was Jim Lopes. Lopes was a Brazilian journalist, raised in the lower class favelas of Rio, who used his ties to those people to complete some of the most comprehensive journalism on the cartels that ran neighborhoods like Villa Cruzeiro.  He was massacred by Elias Maluco (a well known gang boss) after his cover was blown. His brutal death made headlines for weeks in Brazil, and internationally, as now the whole world now knew that no one was safe, including those trying to simply tell the story were not safe.
            Approximately 8 years later, Mexico is still echoing the woes of insecurity for journalists. In this piece, journalists look for answers from the cartels. Confused as to where the old code with which they used to function in went, they question the new levels of brutality they are using. Although the people themselves are not directly opposing them, they are the majority of the causalities in these situations. The government is leading a very poorly organized war against drugs in the country, and it had left civilians to bear the brunt. Journalists used this as a site to air their grievances, frustrations and hopes. They state that journalists are usually protected in the events of war, however this law is being disregarded in the region. The journalists however vow not to be intimidated and continue their investigative journalism.
            This is quite relevant in studying where power truly lies in the region. Whoever controls the drug trade controls the people. The government in so deeply involved in the industry that it has disregarded its obligation to protect it’s people, and in this case, those trying to report on what is happening. The murder of journalists and their families make headlines because those directly affected give us the news. This becomes their avenue for change, and tends to be more effective. Where as civilians die everyday, they simply become a statistic. When it involves the media however, a different approach is taken. From this we begin to see not only how important it is to control the drug trade, but also how important it is to control the narrative surrounding it.



The Diario de Juarez Open Letter to the Drug Cartels;
http://www.unpuntoenelinfinito.com/analisis-denuncias/2559-carta-abierta-ciudadjuarez.html

Brutal Death sours cup joy;

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/jul/07/brazil.pressandpublishing

Research Assignment (1)

         Latin America for the most part is seen as the home of drugs that wash up on the shores of many nations in the developed world. Little to no study is undertaken in relation to the effects these drugs have to these nations themselves. Crack cocaine is king in Brazil: What Sao Paulo is doing about it is a piece of investigative journalism written by Stephanie Noel, which gives us a look into Brazil’s war on crack use within the nation. Cracolândia is the common name given to places ridden with the drug (there are variations on the name depending on the region, Cracolândia commonly refers to the major crack neighborhood within Sao Paulo). Here, residents are able to buy and publicly use crack cocaine, and over time, masses have migrated here due to the easy and constant availability of the drug.  Cracolândia is located between the business and cultural districts of Sao Paulo, and therefore acts as a constant reminder of their nation’s glaring drug problem. Brazil is reported to have the highest number of crack cocaine users in the world having been recently estimated at over one million users.
            Amid the release of the staggering statistic and prior to the World Cup, the Sao Paulo provincial government under Fernando Haddad undertook operation Braços Abertos (Open Arms). The optimistic project aimed at rehabilitating the inhabitants of Cracolândia by giving them shelter, employment and other social amenities to better their lives, in the hope that they would abandon crack use. The endeavor was predicted to save taxpayers’ money used in the hospitalization of those same drug users, and instead invest those funds in their recuperation and reintegration back into society. Many, including the drug users themselves, wondered if this was a government ploy to hide the countries domestic issues prior to the World Cup, and then abandon the project after.
            Reflecting on this issue after the World Cup, it is clear to all that it was just a political plot to cover up the grave drug problem within the nation (see Copa do Mundo não altera vida na Cracolândia, Jéssica Souza). Sao Paulo’s inhabitants have returned to public drug abuse, and Cracolândia went back to thriving as well as it did before Braços Abertos.  Drug use in Brazil is widely seen as a reflection of the inequality within the nation. The majority of the crack users are the poor, uneducated factions of the nation, while those who supply them are easily found anywhere within the middle to upper classes (those with access and connections to neighboring countries that export cocaine). This addiction has continued to consume the lower classes of the nations, and helps to maintain the power structure within the country. Brazil has had an active war on drugs for years, whether it is the trafficking of drugs within or outside the nation (use of BOPE prior to the World Cup), or the use of drugs within its own borders (as seen by the Braços Abertos initiative). This however has largely become a business, leaving its negative socio-cultural and economic effects to be felt by the marginalized poor majority, while those in power reap from this enterprise.



Crack Is king in Brazil; What Sao Paulo is doing about it; http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/crack-is-king-in-brazil-what-sao-paulo-is-doing-about-it/article18232957/?page=all
Copa Do Mundo Nao Altera Vida Na Cracolandia; (text in Portuguese)
http://www.diariosp.com.br/noticia/detalhe/69045/copa-do-mundo-nao-altera-vida-na-cracolandia

Monday 16 November 2015

Caudillos Versus the Nation State

The Slaughterhouse was an intriguing look into the struggles within Argentina and Latin America. The image of the caudillo, is greatly portrayed as an individual who hinders the progression of the nation. As seen throughout the reading, there seems to be a hierarchy dictating the chain of command to be followed. The role that religion plays within that hierarchy becomes ambiguous at a point, and that reflects the ambiguity as to how religion really affects the people. 
At the beginning, we are informed of the religious period being marked by the banning of the consumption of meat. This however became quite irrelevant when calamity struck, and national good was put before religious legislature. When things did go wrong, and religion was forsook, people declared it divine punishment and began looking for parties to blame. The caudillos of course swooped in to save the situation, on behalf of the Restorer, as their hierarchy dictated. It however became confusing as to who actually held the power, as the caudillos tended to act on their personal instincts and their interpretations of the instructions given by the Restorer. I found it interesting when the unitarian basically self destructed, rather than conform to the humiliation the caudillos wanted to impose on him, which not only showed how much they infringed on individuality, but also how unreasonable the punishments were. Rather than correct individuals, they were set forth to humiliate those who didn't subscribe to their notions.
To conclude, there was little room for progress beyond the norm in that society. Caudillos controlled all within the region, ensuring unitarians had no power, which led to the extensions of their hold on all in the area. This limited progress in terms of political thoughts, alternative economic development and cultural practices as everything was assumed to oppose the norm, and hence eradicated. The church and the Restorer did hold some power, however this all seemed to be in theory, as most of the decisions were manned by caudillos. 

Tuesday 10 November 2015

Independence Narratives, Past and Present

The title of this unit reflects well on the works we discussed. There seems to be a recurring theme of colonialism within Latin America through different time periods. Through these different timespans it is apparent to us as readers that certain things never change, the involvement of developed nations in the affairs of those still developing. 
The first work is A Letter by Simón Bolívar written in 1815. Bolívar brings to light the plight of nations still under Spanish rule, proclaiming that their liberty is imminent. He goes on to denounce the Spanish colonial period, saying that anyone who refers to their actions in this time period as attrocities is merely downplaying the horrendous acts they committed. Bolívar avidly believes in the rebuilding of the region once all nations attain independence, which to him, is impending. 
The second work was a letter by José Martí entitled Our America published in 1891. This work greatly mirrored Bolívars writting, as it too prophesised the unavoidable independence of all Latin American nations within the region. He however discussed the unification process that nations will need to undergo once free. He stated that there must be no divisions among people or else that will cause the new states to fail. He therefore coyed the new definition of belonging within the Americas as slaves and spaniards born within the colonies would all need to be seen as citizens. By doing such, Martí tried to escape from the socio-economic limits the colonial powers had put on different races and classes, binding them to certain roles within society. This proved that even after independence, the reminance of colonialism would remain and taunt the now free states. 
The final work within this chapter was the Speech by President Hugo Chávez at the openining of the XII G-15 Summit in 2004. In this speech, Chávez spoke passionately about the Latin America and all its potential, but reminded everyone of the ramifications of neocolonialism. He pointed out how the Cold War ended up engulfing nations that did not really hold direct stakes in any of those matters and by doing such allowed developed nations to maintain their grips on developing nations. 
Through all these three works we see the continued narrative of people constantly seeking autonomy. It is evident that all writers recognize the prescence of a force trying to subdue those attempts, and by doing so, acknowledge that some sort of struggle is necessary. Although these fights may not be physical, they do end up taking a lot out of those involved, and delay these nations in their attempts at writing their own histories.